Black Women Mayors Face Higher Bar For Reelection

L.A. Mayor Karen Bass is no anomaly; her defeat matches a structural pattern of voters denying a second term to Black women mayors.

Black Women Mayors Face Higher Bar For Reelection
Karen Bass Election Night Party
Source: Eric Thayer / Getty

The news that Karen Bass has lost her bid for reelection as mayor of Los Angeles makes her the latest example of a troubling trend of Black women mayors across the country who have been unseated after one term. 

Bass’ defeat underscores a persistent political reality where Black women mayors are frequently saddled with outsized responsibility and unfair critiques for deep-seated municipal issues. 

Despite entering office with deep coalition-building experience, Bass’ administration was ultimately cut short by political vulnerabilities that reflect a broader national pattern: Black women mayors are burdened by localized crises that intersect with systemic, macroeconomic headwinds beyond their control.

Most devastating to Bass’ administration as mayor was the political fallout from the Palisades Fire in January of 2025. The disaster caught the fire department wholly unprepared while Bass was out of the country on a presidential delegation in Africa. The wildfire was fueled by a freak confluence of bone-dry conditions and erratic hurricane-force winds that created nature’s perfect storm and an unpredictable catastrophe that no mayor could have easily contained on the ground. 

The destruction the fires caused left L.A. voters with the unshakeable feeling that Bass was absent when the city needed her the most, a narrative her political opponents quickly weaponized. Critics also pointed to infrastructure deficits and soaring housing costs and a population loss of tens of thousands of residents to underscore a sense that she’d sent the city on a course towards decline. 

Despite these setbacks, evaluations of her administration showed measurable progress on the city’s most critical front during her first few years in office. Driven by her immediate emergency declaration on day one and her signature Inside Safe program, Bass made huge strides in shutting down encampments and lowering the unhoused population. Data from the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority indicate that her approach yielded back-to-back annual decreases in citywide homelessness, driving street homelessness down by 17.5% early in her term. 

However, in the past year, some of those strides were reversed. A late-term 3.4% rise in the total number of unhoused individuals was propelled by severe economic headwinds out of Bass’ hands, as high inflation forced higher prices across the country. In fact, 59 percent of newly unhoused individuals cited economic hardship as the primary driver. 

Regional economic struggles also took a severe hold, further amplified by a multi-year stagnation in Hollywood jobs that decamped to other markets following the Hollywood strike. Hollywood employment dropped by as much as 30% as entertainment giants aggressively pulled back on local production budgets and shifted filming to regions offering more lucrative tax incentives.

Bass’ vulnerabilities ultimately cleared a path for mayor-elect Nithya Raman, who defeated her by running on a platform of change. Throughout the campaign, media and political circles frequently dubbed Raman “LA’s Mamdani,” drawing a direct parallel to New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani due to their shared South Asian descent and alignment with the Democratic Socialists of America. This framing allowed Raman to ride a progressive wave of momentum generated thousands of miles away, leveraging perceived competence and national breakout success of New York’s progressive mayor. 

In reality, New York operates under a vastly different municipal structure, and Raman’s local relationship with the political establishment will be far more complicated than the sweeping national comparison suggests.

The political precarity Bass experienced is not an isolated local phenomenon, but part of a documented, structural pattern. Across the country, high-profile Black women mayors have repeatedly been denied a second term by voters after being saddled with blame for deep-seated municipal crises driven by larger social and macroeconomic trends, while their white peers are routinely shown grace.

In St. Louis, Tishaura Jones delivered a significant reduction in violent crimes during her term as mayor, lowering the number of homicides by 21 percent in 2023. Despite this measurable shift in securing public safety, her administration faced intense scrutiny over uncollected trash and delayed pothole repairs. The narrative shifted that her inability to keep up with road repairs meant she wasn’t competent enough to serve a second term. 

Similarly, Toledo’s Paula Hicks-Hudson was defeated after one term as that city’s mayor in 2017. Her reelection bid was derailed by a barrage of localized criticism over municipal finances and street maintenance. The backlash completely obscured her success in guiding the city through a major water quality crisis and establishing its first comprehensive long-term financial sustainability plan. 

In Chicago, Lori Lightfoot faced a parallel fate when she lost her 2023 reelection bid for mayor. A staggering spike in pandemic-era violence hit major cities nationwide during her mayoral tenure. The Chicago electorate turned those systemic, crime-fueled rates into a personal referendum against her, overlooking that Lightfoot’s administration had successfully launched a signature initiative to reverse historic neighborhood disinvestment, stabilized the city’s costly legacy debts, and drastically narrowed racial disparities in healthcare access while navigating an unprecedented global pandemic that crippled the country. 

Critics and political opponents routinely weaponized Lightfoot, calling her leadership style polarizing and her personality brash, building a narrative of a combative mayor unable to maintain necessary coalitions and get things done. 

The rhetoric used to paint Lightfoot as combative and ineffective is often used against Black women mayors and relies on coded language to undermine their legitimacy as leaders. Opponents and constituents often label them as divisive, detached, or overwhelmed and unable to juggle basic municipal tasks. In many ways, these attacks mimic toxic corporate feedback loops where Black women are described as aggressive, lacking executive presence, and not a cultural fit. In these cases, the unwarranted criticism becomes a distraction, shifting the focus away from outcomes and onto leadership styles. 

Black women mayors often inherit cities facing deep fiscal deficits, aging infrastructure, and entrenched socioeconomic divides. They are tasked with fixing multi-generational problems within a tight four-year window, fighting against governmental bureaucracies and processes that move at a notoriously glacial pace, and knowing that any visible setback will be interpreted as a failure of leadership. They often face an added layer of inherent mistrust in their leadership abilities.

Karen Freeman-Wilson served two terms as mayor of her hometown of Gary, Indiana, and was at times underestimated and other times outright ignored. As the city’s first Black woman mayor, she routinely confronted deep-seated skepticism regarding her truthfulness and transparency. 

Separately, during high-stakes negotiations, counterparts sitting on the other side of the table would frequently bypass Freeman-Wilson’s executive authority, choosing instead to direct their questions, proposals, and primary concerns to her male direct reports. 

This political double standard mirrors dynamics Black women experience in corporate America. Research reveals that Black women leaders are often made to feel invisible and their expertise is questioned in ways their white counterparts are not. Studies show that Black women executives receive harsher performance ratings than Black men, white women, and white men after experiencing similar declines in organizational performance. These lopsided evaluations split along racial and gender lines coincide with a larger retreat across the country from diversity programs that have pushed Black women out of key leadership positions and out of the workforce entirely.  

A Black woman being reelected as mayor of a major U.S. city can be done. Washington, D.C., Mayor Muriel Bowser proved this by winning three terms. Other trailblazing Black women mayors achieved successive victories in cities with sizable Black populations, including Shirley Franklin in Atlanta, Vi Lyles in Charlotte, and LaToya Cantrell in New Orleans. 

Former San Francisco mayor London Breed stands out as a recent outlier. Breed made history in 2018 when she became the city’s first Black woman mayor and won reelection in a city where African-Americans make up just over 5% of the population. 

Between 2014 and 2025, Black women were elected mayor for the first time in cities like Chicago, Baton Rouge, Charlotte (NC), Los Angeles, Philadelphia, and San Francisco. In total, 18 Black women served as mayors of big cities during that eleven year time period. While these numbers represent a historic breakthrough in shattering the political glass ceiling, getting elected as mayor is only the first step of the battle for Black women.

For as long as voters continue to demand flawless execution from Black women mayors while granting grace to their male counterparts, the doors of city halls across the country will remain a revolving door for Black women. Electing a pioneer is a milestone; reelecting one who has achieved more success than failure needs to be a no-brainer.

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